To Members and Friends

One China Committee
Update 43, December 2013



SEASON'S GREETINGS

&

BEST WISHES FOR THE NEW YEAR



Albright: U.S.-China relations key for solving global issues

Several students and scholars discussed China's role in the world Monday October 28, considering whether the country is moving toward a bilateral partnership with the United States. The National Committee on United States - China Relations hosted a China Town Hall in conjunction with 66 other locations worldwide. N.C. State live streamed the event to students and faculty.

Former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright gave audiences a lecture about how current Americans and Chinese officials see the relationship between the two countries. "This relationship is the most important bilateral relationship in this century," Albright said. "A lot of people are wondering if the United States and China work together to solve world problems."

Albright said her relationship with China began in mid-1970s, in Washington, where she served on President Jimmy Carter's National Security Staff. She then referenced President Nixon's attempts to strengthen the ties between the two countries in his 1972 visit, which was, at the time, the first visit of an American president to the foreign country in more than 25 years. "Since then, all administrations since Nixon have sought to maintain stable relationships with China," Albright said. "Five Chinese regimes have done the same. Our relationship must continue to endure. Washington doesn't want to manage all the world's burdens."

Albright said that even though cyber spying is a problem, countries have spied on each other for hundreds of years. What's causing concern is economic spying, which happens when a country spies on businesses. (Joseph Havey, technicianonline.com, Oct 29, 2013).

Taiwan not ready for political dialogue with Beijing

Vincent Siew, former vice president of Taiwan, suggested Tuesday November 19 it isn't yet time for Taiwan to start delving into political dialogue with China, saying there is still "a long way to go" in developing economic ties between Beijing and Taipei.

In October, Chinese President Xi Jinping told Mr. Siew--who was Taiwan's presidential envoy at the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum in Bali, Indonesia--that Beijing is eager to move beyond economic issues and conduct political talks with Taiwan, according to a report of their closed-door meeting by China's official Xinhua news agency.

Mr. Siew, who is the chairman of the Cross-Strait (Taiwan-China) CEO Summit, said there has been considerable progress in building up the relationship over the past five years, but that much work remains on the various aspects of economic ties, including wrapping up agreements on trade in services, commodities and goods as well as a dispute-settlement mechanism.

He also referred to opinion polls in Taiwan suggesting little public support for the opening of political discussions with Beijing.

CRS report on Taiwan criticized

A recent Congressional Research Service report for Congress states that U.S. policy has considered Taiwan's status unsettled and has not opposed Taiwan for independence. the One China Committee wrote October 9 the author questioning such U.S. policy's reliability. The letter was sent to Shirley A. Kan, author of the report.

It states

The U.S.-Taiwan Relationship: Overviews of Policy Issues, 2013, states "U.S. policy has considered Taiwan's status as unsettled" and "U.S. policy does not support or oppose Taiwan's independence." The "unsettled" statement in particular has raised eyebrows of many. In September 6, 2013 issue, World Journal reports with concern that U.S. does not recognize Taiwan as a sovereign nation and considers Taiwan's status unsettled.

The previous report, China/Taiwan: Evolution of the "One China" Policy - Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei, is a fine review of documents on the Taiwan issue. The report cites the State Department statement with no date on the San Francisco Peace Treaty (SFPT) "[a]s Taiwan and the Pescadores are not covered by any existing international disposition, sovereignty over the area is an unsettled question subject to future international resolution" (pp. 7-8). It concludes that "U.S. policy has considered Taiwan's status as unsettled." (p. 28).

There are some who have the unsettled status view, including John J. Tkacik, Jr., Bonnie Glaser, Roger Lin (Roger Lin v. United States), Chen Shui-bian (former Taiwan President's suit with the U.S. military court), and newly organized Taiwan Civil Government, but not the U.S. government.

On Taiwan's status issue, it is necessary to review the documents up to Roosevelt's and Truman's administrations, such as Cairo and Potsdam Declarations, and Japan's Surrender Instrument.

On December 23, 1949, the Secretary of State Dean Acheson issued a statement that "Formosa [Taiwan], politically, geographically and strategically is part of China . . . Although ruled by the Japanese for fifty years, historically it has been Chinese." President Truman said on January 5, 1950 that Taiwan was part of China and that the United States sought no special privileges on Chinese territory and it was traditional practice to respect the territorial integrity of China and Formosa [Taiwan] had been handed back to the Chinese under terms of the Cairo and Potsdam Declarations.

The SFPT is silent on the return of Taiwan to China. Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, however, stated "Chapter II [of the Treaty] deals with that Japan formally ratifies the territorial provisions of the Potsdam Surrender Terms, provisions which, so far as Japan is concerned, there actually carried into effect 6 years ago [such as return of Taiwan to China in 1945]. The Potsdam Surrender Terms constitute the only definition of peace terms to which, and by which Japan and the Allied Powers as a whole are bound. . . The renunciation contained in Article 2 of Chapter II strictly and scrupulously conform to that surrender term."

Following the SEPT, the Republic of China and Japan signed a peace treaty in which Article 4 provides "all treaties, conventions and agreements concluded before December 9, 1941 between China and Japan have become null and void as a consequence of the war." Taiwan was ceded to Japan by China in 1895 by the Treaty of Shimonoseki (Ma-Kuan Tiao-Yueh in Chinese). The treaty became null and void. Accordingly, Taiwan had been returned to China as a matter of course.

Therese Shaheen, former AIT chief, who openly championed the independence movement, publicly reinterpreted President Bush's reiteration of the "one China" policy. She said that the administration "had never said it opposed Taiwan independence." Secretary of State Colin Powell asked for her resignation.

It is inconceivable that U.S. policy has considered Taiwan's status unsettled and has not opposed to Taiwan independence.

Taiwan remains source of China-US conflict: poll

Taiwan remains the most likely source of conflict between China and the US over the next few years, a survey released by the Carnegie Endowment in Washington on Thursday December 12 said.

The survey, Security Perceptions and the US-China Relationship, is a wide-ranging study of public and "elite" attitudes in both countries that are "exerting a growing influence."

The study expresses surprise that even over the short term, most Chinese still identify Taiwan as a prime source of conflict.

Published jointly by Carnegie and the China Strategic Culture Promotion Association in Beijing, the report analyzes the results and policy implications of public and "elite" opinion surveys conducted by the Pew Research Center and the Research Center on Contemporary China at Peking University.

The survey found there was a low level of strategic trust between the US and China "which could make bilateral relations more turbulent," but that only a small minority saw the other country as an enemy.

Chinese respondents -- especially government elites -- cited US arms sales to Taiwan as a major source of tension," the report said.

Among the many recommendations: "Washington should not underestimate the significance China attaches to US arms sales to Taiwan.

The two sides should understand fully the sensitivity of the Taiwan issue and avoid sending wrong signals that negatively impact bilateral relations, it said.

There may be room for the two sides to work together to reach an understanding on the Taiwan issue -- or at least that it does not have to derail the broader relationship," the report said.

US arms sales to Taiwan were regarded by a significant share (45 percent) of the Chinese public as a "very serious problem for China." Ten percent of the US public said they had heard a lot about China-Taiwan relations, while a majority (54 percent) had heard a little and a third had heard nothing.

A strong majority of US elites favored US force if China were to attack Taiwan without the nation having made a unilateral declaration of independence, but a strong majority opposed the use of force if Taiwan were to make such a declaration.

More Chinese elites (61 percent) thought the US would use force to intervene against a Chinese attack on Taiwan without a unilateral declaration of independence than thought the US would do so if such a declaration were made (46 percent).

Chinese respondents viewed US arms sales to Taiwan as a much larger issue than Americans did.

Both sides thought that the cybersecurity issue was to Americans what the Taiwan issue was to the Chinese.

Americans take cybersecurity very seriously, but tend to discount the importance of Taiwan arms sales, while the Chinese take the opposite view.

Among the many recommendations: "Washington should not underestimate the significance China attaches to US arms sales to Taiwan.

The two sides should understand fully the sensitivity of the Taiwan issue and avoid sending wrong signals that negatively impact bilateral relations, it said.

Clear majorities of the US public said it was important that the US be tough with China on economic and trade issues (56 percent), building a strong relationship with China (55 percent) and promoting human rights (53 percent), statistics in the report showed.

Much smaller percentages of the US public said the same about advocating more freedom for Tibet (36 percent) and continuing to sell arms to Taiwan (21 percent).

US arms sales to Taiwan were regarded by a significant share (45 percent) of the Chinese public as a "very serious problem for China." Ten percent of the US public said they had heard a lot about China-Taiwan relations, while a majority (54 percent) had heard a little and a third had heard nothing.

A strong majority of US elites favored US force if China were to attack Taiwan without the nation having made a unilateral declaration of independence, but a strong majority opposed the use of force if Taiwan were to make such a declaration.

More Chinese elites (61 percent) thought the US would use force to intervene against a Chinese attack on Taiwan without a unilateral declaration of independence than thought the US would do so if such a declaration were made (46 percent).

Each side feels that the other has cheated on these two issues and one Chinese elite suggested that if the two sides can make progress on both these matters, "the relationship could be greatly improved," the study said. (William Lowther, Taipei Times, Dec 16, 2013).